For some time, the idea of “political centrism” in today’s Cuba has been brewing, essentially within digital media, as part of one of the United States’ strategies to subvert the Cuban socialist model, given the resounding failures and disrepute of the so-called “Cuban counterrevolution.” One of the cables revealed by Wikileaks in 2010 showed how Jonathan Farrar, at that time head of the U.S. Interests Section in Havana, informed the State Department on April 15, 2009, that this “opposition” was actually out of touch with the Cuban reality, had no power or influence among youth, and was more concerned with money than promoting its platform among broader sectors of society.
From its beginnings, political centrism has been a geometric concept: representing the equidistant point between all extremes.
Supposedly it would be a political position between left and right, between socialism and capitalism, a third way that would “find a balance between the best ideas” of the extremes that define it, and where moderation is posited in opposition to any form of radicalism. Lenin referred to this position as treacherous utopianism, a product of bourgeois reformism. Indeed, so-called third ways, or centrisms, have never been a revolutionary option, but rather strategies to install, save, rebuild, modernize, or restore capitalism.