Who is really benefitting?
March 29, 2016
Remember what the real state capturers did in Libya, Iraq and Egypt.
Remember what they tried and failed to do in Cuba.
We now see what they are trying to do with some countries and its leaders who decided to stand up and strengthen South-South relations.
Let us not, for one minute, think that what is now happening in Brazil and South Africa fell out of thin air.
The sad part is that we analyze it in its most narrow perspective by trying to put the blame on individuals and attempting to absolve everyone else, including ourselves.
I am shocked that those who claim to be the vanguard of the people can make such a narrow analysis on the realities of the implications of our stance on international matters.
By taking a cursory glance at SA’s position at the AU, the UN and other global forums regarding matters of global difficulties and issues such as Palestine, Western Sahara and the interference in domestic affairs as well as of global reforms, we can clearly see that we, as a nation, have become a “project” to be dealt with.
Look at what happened in other countries that took a similar stand, they started by demonizing the president, then the ruling party.
They then worked on a strategy to invest in certain and strategic NGOs/CBOs and fund some of them to do anti-government and anti-ruling party lobbying and advocacy through the use of cyber-intelligence and social media.
They use it as a norm in order to discredit the government and to find bogeymen and scapegoats while the capitalist elite continue on their path to deepening the capture of nation states.
Who can forget the lies and media distortion that SA sent a plane to pick up Gaddafi and his family?
That story was covered with “doctored pictures” of the plane as the UN Security Council was that morning debating a crucial decision on Libya.
It was intended to neutralize the stance of SA and other Brics countries.
Guess what? It worked.
So why did they fail in a country like Cuba? Because the leadership of the party and the government took collective responsibility and treated the unity of the ruling party as sacrosanct.
What has been happening in our country?
A decision was taken at Mangaung that the second phase of the national democratic revolution (NDR) is economic freedom and therefore a programme of radical economic transformation had to be pursued.
This was heavily debated but the conference ultimately resolved on it.
Did we, as delegates, assume white capitalists would just capitulate and accept our programme?
If these capitalists that captured the apartheid state, didn’t even capitulate in 1994 at the dawn of our democracy, how dare we think that they will accept our programme of radical economic transformation without a fight?
Did we think it will be a walk in the park?
Did we underestimate the extent and depth of the capture of some of us in the last 30 years?
Did we assume that the revolutionaries of yesteryear are still grounded in the same revolutionary values of yesteryear?
Can we say that those who claim to be left are still part of the left?
If one reads the body politic today, it is clear that there is a convergence of the left’s narrow interest and conservative right-leaning interest.
This is happening in order to deal with the imaginary bogeymen and scapegoats put there by those that actually have captured the nation-state.
In whose interest will such a convergence be?
Again, let’s look at the facts:
- Who owns the means of production in SA? Is it the scapegoat or is it the white capitalist?
- Who owns 90% of arable productive land in SA? Surely it’s not the scapegoats.
- Who owns more than 75% of mining interests in SA? It can’t be the bogeyman.
- Who is in charge of the financial institutions of SA?
I do believe that the collective, as elected at Mangaung, must critically reflect on who is actually playing who and who is dividing the collective.
They should properly analyze who benefits from such division.
Let us stop the “politics of convenience”.
We should get black businesses and patriotic businesses to work together rather than to fight over the meatless bone.
They must think hard about what these sideshows of political posturing against each other, is doing to the movement and the country.
The collective should pull together and do a proper and dispassionate analysis.
They must then push back with a strong collective offensive against those agencies who have mapped out a multipronged strategy to weaken the oldest liberation movement in Africa and one of the torch -bearers for global justice and equality in international forums.
Marius Fransman is a politician, writer and commentator